“History of england”

2.1 Industrial Revolution

2.2 Local Government

Kelompok :
Fuad // 20071012
Qori'atus Sholikhah // 20071016
Yohana G. Srimaya // 20071005
 2.1 Industrial Revolution
The Industrial Revolution was the transition to new manufacturing processes in Great
Britain, continental Europe, and the United States, in the period from about 1760 to
sometime between 1820 and 1840. This transition included going from hand production
methods to machines, new chemical manufacturing and iron production processes, the
increasing use of steam power and water power, the development of machine tools and the
rise of the mechanized factory system. The In dustrial Revolution also led to an
unprecedented rise in the rate of population growth.

Textiles were the dominant industry of the Industrial Revolution in terms of employment,
value of output and capital invested. The textile industry was also the first to use modern
production methods.
The Industrial Revolution began in Great Britain and many of the technological
and architectural innovations were of British origin. By the mid-18th century
Britain was the world's leading commercial nation, controlling a global trading
empire with colonies in North America and the Caribbean, and with major
military and political hegemony on the Indian subcontinent, particularly with the
proto-industrialised Mughal Bengal, through the activities of the East India
Company. The development of trade and the rise of business were among the
major causes of the Industrial Revolution.
The Industrial Revolution marks a major turning point in history;
almost every aspect of daily life was influenced in some way. In
particular, average income and population began to exhibit
unprecedented sustained growth. Some economists have said the
most important effect of the Industrial Revolution was that the
standard of living for the general population in the western world
began to increase consistently for the first time in history, although
others have said that it did not begin to meaningfully improve until
the late 19th and 20th centuries.
GDP per capita was broadly stable before the Industrial Revolution and the
emergence of the modern capitalist economy, while the Industrial Revolution began
an era of per-capita economic growth in capitalist economies. Economic historians
are in agreement that the onset of the Industrial Revolution is the most important
event in the history of humanity since the domestication of animals and plants.

The precise start and end of the Industrial Revolution is still debated among
historians, as is the pace of economic and social changes. Eric Hobsbawm held that
the Industrial Revolution began in Britain in the 1780s and was not fully felt until
the 1830s or 1840s, while T. S. Ashton held that it occurred roughly between 1760
and 1830.
Rapid industrialization first began in Britain, starting with
mechanized spinning in the 1780s, with high rates of growth in
steam power and iron production occurring after 1800. Mechanized
textile production spread from Great Britain to continental Europe
and the United States in the early 19th century, with important
centres of textiles, iron, and coal emerging in Belgium and the
United States and later textiles in France
An economic recession occurred from the late 1830s to the early 1840s when the
adoption of the Industrial Revolution's early innovations, such as mechanized
spinning and weaving, slowed and their markets matured. Innovations developed
late in the period, such as the increasing adoption of locomotives, steamboats and
steamships, hot blast iron smelting and new technologies, such as the electrical
telegraph, widely introduced in the 1840s and 1850s, were not powerful enough to
drive high rates of growth. Rapid economic growth began to occur after 1870,
springing from a new group of innovations in what has been called the Second
Industrial Revolution. These innovations included new steel making processes,
mass-production, assembly lines, electrical grid systems, the large-scale manufacture
of machine tools, and the use of increasingly advanced machinery in steam-powered
factories.
 2.2 Local Government since 18-19 Centuriest

The nineteenth century saw a dramatic expansion in the scope and authority of
local government together with its gradual democratization. This process was
reversed in the twentieth century, with power moving back to the center. In the
early nineteenth century responsibility for urban government was shared by
municipal corporations (where they existed), parish vestries, and manor courts.
These bodies paid little attention to the provision of local services, and in 1828
urban property holders were empowered by act of Parliament to elect
commissioners to provide such basic services as street lighting and the
construction of sewers.
The powers and responsibilities of town commissioners were gradually
increased over the course of the century. The vast majority of Irish
municipal corporations were abolished in 1840, having developed into
exclusive, self-perpetuating oligarchies. Only ten (with the later addition
of Wexford) survived to become elected councils. Earths iThe primary
organ of local administration in rural areas was the grand jury, which
was empowered to raise money by means of local taxation to provide
for the upkeep of roads, bridges, and public buildings such as jails and
courthouses. Many of the grand jury's taxing powers, such as those
relating to the provision of county infirmaries, were discretionary and
rarely utilized.
Growing concerns about poverty, ill health, and disorder in Ireland led to the imposition
of statutory responsibilities on grand juries. For example, beginning in 1817 they could
be required to build and maintain district lunatic asylums that were managed by centrally
appointed boards of governors. The county constabulary established in 1822 was
similarly funded by but not administered by grand juries. As the century proceeded, the
grand jury thus became increasingly important as a taxing rather than an administrative
authority. As expenditure levels rose, criticism of the grand-jury system increased: Not
only were grand juries unrepresentative of the local community, but they were also
alleged to be corrupt and inefficient.
Grand jurors were nominated by the high sheriff from the leading property owners
of the county, excluding nobles, and were widely believed to abuse the system for
their own personal gains. Government ministers shared the popular dissatisfaction
with the way in which grand-jury affairs were conducted, but they were reluctant
to contemplate any major reform, believing that Ireland was not ready for local
democracy in rural areas. Legislation passed in 1818, 1833, and 1836 did reduce
the opportunities for abuse by introducing stricter accounting procedures and by
giving ratepayers a limited role in authorizing expenditures. More significantly,
however, the administrative power of the grand jury was increasingly eclipsed by
the poor-law board, which was composed partly of guardians elected by the
ratepayers and partly of local magistrates sitting ex officio.
First introduced in 1838, poor-law boards were entrusted with a wide
range of responsibilities in addition to their primary tasks of managing
workhouses and distributing relief to the poor. Administration of local
dispensaries was transferred from grand juries to poor-law boards in
the 1850s, and the boards became the administering authorities of the
health and safety legislation of the 1860s and 1870s. Changes in local
expenditures illustrate the increasing importance of the poor-law
system: while the level of county taxation, which had risen steeply in
the first half of the nineteenth century, remained fairly static in the
second half of the century, poor-law expenditure doubled.
In the early decades of the poor-law system, landowners or their
agents dominated most boards of guardians, but this changed in the
1880s following the radicalization of rural politics that took place
during the years of the Land War. Poor-law elections were
increasingly contested as part of the national campaign for self-
government, and elected guardians began to replace ex-officios as
board officers. The shift in power on many poor-law boards
produced a far more politicized and polarized system. In addition to
serving as training grounds for nationalist politicians, poor-law
boards gave women, who became eligible to serve as guardians in
1896, their first experiences in holding local government office.
The Local Government Act of 1898 established a comprehensive system of
democratic local government in Ireland. Based on the English measure of
1888, the act introduced a two-tier system of county and district councils.
The administrative responsibilities of grand juries were transferred to elected
county councils. Rural district councils took on the functions of poor-law
boards and also became the sanitary authorities for their areas. (In urban areas
municipal corporations and town commissioners operated largely unchanged
and separate boards of guardians were retained.) The local government board
was given the task of supervising the activities of the new councils, and its
approval was required for many of their acts, including appointments and
dismissals. All councillors and poor-law guardians were elected by a
householder franchise that, unlike the parliamentary franchise, included
women and peers.
Following vigorous lobbying by women's organizations, women obtained the
right to run for election as district councillors, though not, until 1911, as county
councillors. The most significant changes produced by the Local Government
Act were not to the structure of local administration, but in the composition of
its constituent bodies: In contrast to unionist-dominated grand juries, county
councils were, in most cases, nationalist-dominated. As the campaign for
national self-government gathered momentum in the early decades of the
twentieth century, relations between central and local governments deteriorated.
After the establishment of the Dáil government in 1919 many local councils
refused to recognize British authority and declared their allegiance to Dáil
Éireann. Irish republicans regarded both the local-government system and its
practitioners with suspicion, seeing the former as extravagant and expensive
and the latter as inefficient and corrupt.
While the basic structures remained in place in both parts of Ireland
following independence, local government in the Free State lost many of its
functions, including health and welfare administration, either to central
government or to national or regional administrative boards. (Poor-law
boards were abolished in 1923 and rural-district councils in 1925.) The
establishment in the 1930s of the city-and county-manager system, whereby
council services are administered not by committees of elected councillors
but under the direction of an appointed manager, and the replacement of
local property taxation with block grants from central government, further
weakened the power and authority of local representatives. Since 1935 a
universal adult franchise has operated in local elections.
 In Northern Ireland, local government became the focus of allegations
of gerrymandering and discrimination, primarily against
Catholics. Proportional representation in local elections, intended to
ensure minority representation, was abolished in 1922, and the retention
of property and businessmen's votes, long after these had been
abandoned in Britain and independent Ireland, gave unionists a
significant electoral advantage. Universal adult suffrage was introduced
for local elections in 1969. In the following year the Stormont
government accepted the report of a review body chaired by Sir Patrick
Macrory recommending the reorganization of local government.
This led to the establishment in 1973 of twenty-six district councils
responsible for services such as refuse disposal and environmental
health, and area boards, whose members were nominated by government,
to control health, education, and library services. Macrory had intended
that this system would work in tandem with the Northern
Ireland Assembly; the absence of this top tier of local government, often
referred to as the "Macrory gap," resulted in a significant democratic
deficit at the local level.
Terima
kasih !