|
 
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Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

|
 
 
‡
   
‡
 
    
 | 

 
‡ |!" 

‡  #     
  $
 |
 
 | 
  

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Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ The | $ 
    
 

 (||) is a term that was coined in a
debate over media representations of the developing
world in UNESCO in the late 1970s and early 1980s.
‡ The term was widely used by the MacBride Commission,
a UNESCO panel chaired by Nobel Prize winner Seán
MacBride, which was charged with creation of a set of
recommendations to make global media representation
more equitable.
‡ The MacBride Commission produced a report
titled "Many Voices, One World", which outlined the main
philosophical points of the New World Information
Communication Order.
 |
 
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Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ The American media scholar Wilbur Schramm noted in

1964 that the flow of news among nations is thin, that
much attention is given to developed countries and little
to less-developed ones, that important events are
ignored and reality is distorted.
‡ Herbert Schiller observed in 1969 that developing
countries had little meaningful input into decisions about
radio frequency allocations for satellites at a key meeting
in Geneva in 1963.
‡ Intelsat which was set up for international co-operation in
satellite communication, was also dominated by the
United States.
‡ In the 1970s these and other issues were taken up by
the Non-Aligned Movement and debated within
the United Nations and UNESCO.
 |
 
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Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ NWICO grew out of the New International Economic Order of

1974.
‡ The |
 
    (NIEO) was a set of
proposals put forward during the 1970s by developing
countries through theUnited Nations Conference on Trade
and Development to promote their interests by improving their
terms of trade.
‡ From 1976-1978, the New World Information and
Communication Order was generally called the shorter 
| $ 
  or the |
 
 
| $ 
 .
‡ Associated with the United Nations Education, Scientific and
Cultural Organization (UNESCO) starting from the early
1970s.
‡ Mass media concerns began with the meeting of non-aligned
nations in Algiers, 1973; again in Tunis1976, and later in 1976
at the New Delhi Ministerial Conference of Non-Aligned
Nations.
 |
 
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| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ The movement was kept alive through the 1980s by

meetings of the MacBride Round Table on
Communication, even though by then the leadership of
UNESCO distanced itself from its ideas.

‡ The UNESCO Convention on Cultural Diversity of 2005

puts into effect some of the goals of NWICO, especially
with regard to the unbalanced global flow of mass media.

‡ Not supported by the USA unlike the WTO.

 |
 
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| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ A wide range of issues were raised as part

of NWICO discussions. Some of these
involved long-standing issues of media
coverage of the developing world and
unbalanced flows of media influence.
‡ Other issues involved new technologies
with important military and commercial
uses.
‡ The developing world was likely to be
marginalized by satellite and computer
technologies.
 |
 
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| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ The issue of four major global agencies based in

New York, London and Paris controlling the
world-wide flow of information.
‡ Their reportage of the µother world¶ was limited
to coups, natural disasters and wars.
‡ 80% of the world¶s news flow was controlled by
these agencies.
‡ An unbalanced flow of mass media from the
developed world (especially the United States)
to the underdeveloped countries. Everyone
watches American movies and television shows.
 |
 
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| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ Advertising agencies from the developed

countries, through the messages in their ads
send profound messages to the underdeveloped
world.
‡ In a way this was a cultural invasion and cultural
imperialism, because the control of the flow of
these advertisements was again, with the major
agencies from the western ± developed world.
‡ Some of the messages were also considered as
inappropriate for the third world.
 |
 
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| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ The radio spectrum too was controlled by

the developed countries. In fact 90% of the
radio spectrum was controlled by a few
countries, most of it for military use.
‡ The allocation of space for geostationary
orbits for satellites was also a major issue.
Developing countries did not have the
capability of launching their own satellites.
‡ The problem of lack of space for future
satellite launches was a major problem
area.
 |
 
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| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ Satellite broadcasting of television signals into

Third World countries without prior permission
was widely perceived as a threat to national
sovereignty.
‡ The UN voted in the early 1970s against such
broadcasts.
‡ Use of satellites to collect information on crops
and natural resources in the Third World at a
time when most developing countries lacked the
capacity to analyse this data.
 |
 
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| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ At the time most mainframe computers were located in

the United States and there were concerns about the
location of databases (such as airline reservations) and
the difficulty of developing countries catching up with the
US lead in computers.
‡ The protection of journalists from violence was raised as
an issue for discussion. For example, journalists were
targeted by various military dictatorships in Latin
America in the 1970s.
‡ As part of NWICO debates there were suggestions for
study on how to protect journalists and even to discipline
journalists who broke "generally recognized ethical
standards".
‡ However, the MacBride Commission specifically came
out against the idea of licensing journalists.
 |
 
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| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ The MacBride Commission

‡ The International Commission for the Study of
Communication Problems, known as the
¶MacBride Commission¶, was appointed to study
all manner of problems of communication in the
world.
‡ One of its chief tasks was to „ „


„
  



  
„

 

„

 „ 
 „
 „

 
  „ „ 
„  

 
 „ 


 „
   
(UNESCO Work Plan for 1977-1978, 19C/5 Approved § 4155)
 |
 
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Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ UNESCO used the concept of a ³world

information order´ rather than an ³international
information order´.
‡ The change in wording was made on the
initiative of the Western countries, who wished to
make the connection to the demand for a new
economic order less explicit.
‡ The word ³international´ connotes relations
among nations, whereas ³world´ prompts
associations to global cooperation more
generally, with concepts like ³the global village´
and ³world government´
 |
 
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Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ Director-General M¶Bow formulated the Commission¶s

brief or terms of reference in four points:
‡ (a) to study the current situation in the fields of
communication and information and to identify problems
which call for fresh action at the national level and a
concerted, overall approach at the international level.
The analysis of the state of communication in the world
today, and particularly of information problems as a
whole, should take account of the diversity of socio-
economic conditions and levels and types of
development;
‡ (b) to pay particular attention to problems relating to the
free and balanced flow of information in the world, as
well as the specific needs of developing countries, in
accordance with the decisions of the General
Conference; 14
 |
 
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| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ (c) to analyse communication problems, in their

different aspects, within the perspective of the
establishment of a new international economic
order and of the measures to be taken to foster
the institution of a ¶new world information order¶;
‡ (d) to define the role which communication might
play in making public opinion aware of the major
problems besetting the world, in sensitizing it to
these problems and helping gradually to solve
them by concerted action at the national and
international levels. (Many Voices, One World, p
42)
 |
 
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| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ One of the countries, China, refused to be a part

of the Commission.
‡ Nothing like this on this scale had ever
happened before. The studies ranged from
conceptual analyses to statistical compendia,
surveys of national media legislation, and
bibliographies. They were reported in roughly
100 publications. Thus, the MacBride
Commission had a major impact on scholarship
pertaining to international communication, as
well.
 |
 
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| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ The volume consists of five parts. The first four

report the findings of studies in four areas:
‡ 1) ³Communication and Society´ (historical and
contemporary perspectives and the international
dimension),
‡ 2) ³Communication Today´ (means of
communication, expanding infrastructures,
concentration, interaction, participants,
disparities),
‡ 3) ³Problems and Issues of Common Concern´
(flaws in communication flows, dominance in
communication contents, democratization of
communication, images of the world, the public
and public opinion),
 |
 
 | 
  

| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ 4) ³The Institutional and Professional Framework´

(communication policies, material resources, research
contributions, the professional communicators, rights
and responsibilities of journalists, norms of professional
conduct). The Commission had the ambition to treat their
subjects from historical, socio-economic, cultural and
political perspectives.
‡ The report treats all kinds of information and
communication, from interpersonal communication to
mass communication and digital communication from
local, national and international points of view.
‡ The fifth part of the book, ³Conclusions and
Recommendations´ offers some eighty policy
recommendations of problems studied.
 |
 
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| ||
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ, University of Mumbai

‡ ruiafybmm@yahoogroups.com
‡ chaturvedi_anishi@gmail.com
‡ kadambarigupte@gmail.com
 |
 
 | 
  
s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡   is a categorical label used to

describe states that are considered to
be underdeveloped in terms of their economy or
level of industrialization, globalization, standard
of living, health, education or other criteria for
'advancements'.
‡ The name Third World arose during the Cold
War to refer to nations that did not belong to the
similarly termed "First" or "Second Worlds".
There is debate over the appropriateness of the
term.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

First (blue), Second (red), and the Third World (green) countries
during the Cold War (1946-90)
 |
 
 | 
  
s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ It has also sometimes been interpreted as

a pejorative term - especially when used by
citizens of erstwhile First and Second World
countries. For example, in November 2008,
Australian cricketer Matthew Hayden came
under strong criticism in India for using the term.
‡ Back home in Australia after a 2-0 series defeat
by India for the Border-Gavaskar Trophy,
Hayden spoke about, what he perceived as,
poor ground conditions and inordinate delays
during matches "that happens in Third World
countries"
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The New World Information Order raised fundamental

issues about the Freedom of Press, esp. the Western
Press.
‡ The Third World countries directed at what they
percieved as inequities in the flows of information, news
and communication technologies.
‡ They believed that there was overtly negative reporting
on their internal contitions and policies.
‡ The United States, on the other hand, saw the demands
for a new world information order as a direct threat to the
American principal of a free press and to access for US
media organisations to developing countries.
‡ Major media organisations were mobilised to fight the
initiative.
 |
 
 | 
  
s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Until the mid-1960s, the focus of debate in UNESCO

was about the free flow of information and use of mass
media to build µmodern¶ societies in the Third World.
‡ However, with the New World Information Order, it
changed from just µfree flow¶ to the overwhelming
dominance of the Western mass media and news
agencies.
‡ The Western press and the Western news agencies
were now charged with cultural dominance and
imperialism.
‡ They preferred that the Western news agencies and
media display the positive news disseminated by the
Third World government agencies.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ They charged that the information about the Third World

countries emphasised theur fragility, instability and
corruption and suggesed that the economic imbalances
stemmed NOT from European colonialism and neo-
colonial forces, but from their own inability to sustain
development.
‡ Third World countries argued that the distorted, negative
treatment of their problems in the media neglected facts
and real issues facing their nations and impeded their
attempts to develop.
‡ The Third World felt that there was a neeed for global
change in telecommunications, news flows, intellectual
property rights and international advertising.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

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s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ D. R. Mankekar, former chairman of the

Coordinating Committee of the Non-Aligned
Countries¶ Press Agencies Pool express Third
World views of the western domination of the
news quite clearly:
‡ They [the West] fail to realise that their obduracy
is being construed by the Third World as a
disguised attempt to tighten on them the grip of
colonialist hegemony through Western media in
the name of freedom of information.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Western control over the flow of

information, then, constituted a form of
colonialism in the eyes of the Third World,
and thus represented a direct threat to the
national sovereignty of developing nations.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

$  

  

Paper presented at the Sixth Annual African
Studies Consortium Workshop,
October 02, 1998)
%

& 
 |
 
 | 
  
s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Western Media organizations employ to

specifically dump negative news materials
and information when reporting,
communicating, or disseminating anything
concerning Africa.
‡ the U.S. consumes about 60% of the
world's resources but has only a fraction
(4.1 %) of the world's population.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ With the stroke of a journalist's pen, the

African, her continent, and her
descendants are pejoratively reduced to
nothing: a bastion of disease, savagery,
animism, pestilence, war, famine,
despotism, primitivism, poverty, and
ubiquitous images of children, flies in their
food and faces, their stomachs distended.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ For a long time a myth has been spread in

India (and many other countries in the
world) that certain sections of the Western
media, particularly the British Broadcasting
Corporation (BBC) which is hailed as a
trail-blazing µindependent¶ organisation,
report every major development
objectively and fairly.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ True to their up and down form, one again Indo-Pak relations

appear to be heading south with the Pakistani strongman
deciding to open another µfront¶ against India. India has been
accused of violating the 1960 World Bank brokered Indus
Water Treaty by constructing a dam on Chenab in Jammu
and Kashmir and that it would µdeprive¶ the farmers in
Pakistan¶s part of Punjab of irrigation from that river.
‡ However, the point is that the BBC and many other prominent
Western newspapers and airwaves reported the Baglihar talks
almost entirely based on what the Pakistanis said. The only
pretence of µbalancing¶ the Baglihar story was to add a phrase
that µIndia denies the (Pakistani) charge (of violation of the
Indus Water Treaty)¶.
‡ The treaty allows waters from three rivers to flow into Pakistan
while giving India the exclusive rights over two other rivers
flowing from Kashmir. How has the Western media assumed
that India has no case in Baglihar?
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

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s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The violation of the (14-month long) ceasefire along the Line of

Control in Jammu and Kashmir by Pakistani troops was a serious
matter. But the reports carried in the Western media could well have
been a straight copy from what the Pakistani government handout
said: µutterly baseless¶ (the Indian charge).
The incident was sketchily reported a day after it occurred but most
of the Western media relied on the version put out by Islamabad,
which, expectedly, denied the role of its troops. The Western media
bought the ridiculous Pakistani statement that they heard some µloud
explosions¶ along the LoC but could not say who was responsible.
‡ The Pakistanis were not asked to comment how 60 mm and 82 mm
mortar shells used by the Pakistani army were found some 15 km
inside the Indian side of the LoC. Some foreign channels even tried
to link the mortar shelling to the Baglihar controversy and suggesting
that the µexplosion¶ came from the Indian side as no casualty was
reported by India.
 |
 
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s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Take the tsunami tragedy. That initial reports concentrated on losses

in Indonesia and barely mentioned that India was among the
countries affected by the tsunami waves. But that was perhaps a
pardonable µmiss¶ as the full scale of devastation caused by a huge
natural disaster of the type that hit parts of South and South-east
Asia on December 26, 2004 is not known immediately.
‡ By the time the losses in India were relayed to the world, the
Western media started to turn its focus on how shabby the Indian
relief and rehabilitation efforts were as though elsewhere everything
was going fine. There is little to doubt that the reason for the
Western ire against India was the result of India refusing to accept
aid from the rich Western world who are more used to seeing sights
of supplicating Third World nations, especially when in distress,
lining up for µalms¶.
‡ The Indian High Commissioner in the UK was grilled for half an hour
over the BBC with the anchor going round in circles in trying to get
His Excellency to admit that the relief efforts by Indians have been a
disaster and it was a mistake to have turned down Western help.
 |
 
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s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ FEAR plays a great role in the Western

Media¶s approach to the Third World
‡ Iraq, Afghanistan, Bin Laden and
previously Saddam Hussein plays on the
minds of the Western public.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ So what are the challenges faced by

international journalists?
‡ The first challenge is to get started in the field.
‡ Most of the times, journalists are not well versed
with foreign affairs.
‡ They have to move past the culture shock and
confusing situations to become knowledgeable.
‡ Most journalists prefer learning from scratch
than arriving at the foreign location with
preconceived notions.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The second challenge is developing

personal relationship, family.
‡ Common to both, parachute journalists
and immersion journalists.
‡ They manage by either taking the family to
their place of assignment, or let the
spouse bear the responsibility of the
family.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The third obstacle is that of stress and

burnout.
‡ Decades of living away from home, away
from the family, meeting deadline after
deadline takes the toll.
‡ Hence, shifting jobs or place of work
becomes more of a necessity to maintain
ones sanity.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The fourth challenge is the gender and

racial bias faced by female and minority
journalists while working overseas.
Interestingly, representatives of both
groups said their minority status was more
of a help than a hindrance in reporting,
and aided them to either gain the trust of
sources in international situations or to
catch them off guard.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ And the fifth challenge is simply how best

to tell a story.
‡ Both print and broadcast journalists
debate which is better ² colorful feature
writing or concise, factual accounts of the
news.
‡ In the end it seems a mix of the two is best
for capturing the attention of the audience.
 |
 
 | 
  
s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The hunger for more news is increasingly

satisfied by the websites.
‡ More and more people tend to prefer the
internet over newspapers for learning
about what is going on abroad.
‡ Even when there are thousands of
correspondents abroad, are there enough
of them?
‡ The answer is no.
 |
 
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  s 

   

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s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Only 6% of Americans could answer 5 basic

questions about the world, while 37% of them
could not answer any of them.
‡ This clearly shows how much the Western world
is interested in knowing about the Third World.
‡ Overall the US performed the words among the
eight developed countries.
‡ Even though channels like CNN has actually
increased the number of correspondents
abroad, more and more media organisations
now rely on the news wire services to fill up their
µWorld News¶ columns.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

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s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ In television news, Hess found that:

> no country, with the possible exception of
Russia, was explained and presented coherently
enough so that attentive viewers could believe
they understood how life was lived there. The
narrow span of TV foreign news, largely
government related and driven by events,
differed markedly from the broader and more
balanced array of subjects in domestic news.
International environmental problems,
education, science and the arts were rarely
mentioned. Half the world¶s 180 or so countries
were never noted.´
 |
 
 | 
  
s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Correspondents both veteran and novice

gleefully tell stories of escaping bullets and
bombs, of meeting world leaders, of wandering
into forbidden places and facing unpredictable
situations.
‡ Reporting from a foreign country is a thrilling
challenge for any journalist, but the initial
confusion and personal isolation felt when
thrown into an unfamiliar situation can be
daunting. These obstacles affect both

and   journalists.
 |
 
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s
  s 

   

| 

 
 


s 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Parachute journalists, or ³firefighters,´ leap from crisis to

crisis across the globe to cover the story of the hour as
fast as possible. They may find themselves in the Middle
East one day and Moscow the next, or pulled suddenly
from a war situation to cover an earthquake on the other
side of the globe.
‡ In exchange for this exciting lifestyle, parachutists
sacrifice stability in their lives and often lack advanced
understanding of the situations in which they find
themselves.
‡ Immersion journalists, on the other hand, I defined for
the purposes of this thesis as those who remain in a
single region for a year or more. They may stay in a
country for decades, learning the language and culture
and filing news stories from their home bureau.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

Writing for the Internet Media

 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ In reporting on the day¶s events, journalists rely most

fundamentally on two key relationships: the relationship
with their news sources and with their audiences. These
relationships are most fundamental for at least three
reasons.
‡ First, without reliable sources, a journalist cannot get the
facts needed to prepare the story.
‡ Second, without an audience, there is no point in telling
the story.
‡ Third, and most important, maintaining integrity in the
relationships between journalists, their sources and their
audiences is fundamental to establishing and
maintaining the credibility, or believability, of journalism,
the only real value a journalist has.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ When the integrity of the reporter-source-

audience relationship is violated, not only
does the individual journalist suffer, but the
credibility of the entire news organisation
or even institution is damaged.
‡ Jayson Blair, who, as the Times(2003)
itself admits, ¶fabricated comments,
concocted scenes and lifted material from
other newspapers and wire services¶
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The reporter who gets too close to a

source can sometimes fail to ask the tough
question, the question that needs to be
asked ... and answered to fully inform the
public.
‡ Convergence is transforming the reporter-
source relationship, partly by introducing
more technology into the equation.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The scenario prior to convergence

‡ Telephone ± to set up interviews
‡ Sense of the tone?
‡ Fax, teleprinter?
‡ Some sources deluge reporters with
written communication, including press
releases, but most reporters generally
disregard or discount this type of
communication as public relations.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The rise of computer-mediated communication

has begun to erode face-to-face and even
telephone interviews.
‡ When on deadline, reporters may take whatever
means they can get to reach a source ... and
that may often be email.
‡ Expert sources, especially those in science,
medicine or higher education, may have a
strong preference for email communications,
and may specifically request that a source
contact them via email, particularly if they want a
timely response.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ For the business news wires, reporters

rarely leave their desks, doing almost all
their reporting either via the phone, email
or other internet-based communication.
‡ On the other hand, email communication,
can provide certain improvements to the
reporter-source relationship
‡ Journalists with tight budgets
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Use of the internet and email by journalists has grown

dramatically from 48% in 1998 to about 65% in 2001.
‡ Email also makes it more practical and efficient to fact
check stories, especially those dealing with complex
technical issues, including health, science, technology or
business. In the past, the reporter might first conduct a
face-to-face interview, and then fact check with a phone
call.
‡ But doing fact-checking over the phone necessarily limits
what can be done on deadline; it also reduces the
chances of error detection since the source will not
actually see what is written and may not catch, discern
or effectively correct an error heard over a phone call
from a harried reporter. Via email the source can check
and verify the details.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ There is a danger that if the report is critical of

the source or that of an organisation the source
may take legal action to suppress the report.
‡ Technology has also given reporters greatly
expanded access to entire classes of source
material previously rarely if ever seen. For
example, remote sensing satellite imagery is
now a routine part of reporting on a variety of
stories, ranging from environmental reporting to
military conflict.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ A year ago I doubt if anyone in newsrooms could tell you

what a DEM (digital elevation model) was or even what
GIS is. Now every significant news entity is exploring
how to integrate geographical data into its news
graphics.
‡ Dubno, an expert in newsroom technology applications,
notes on his website that ¶Broadcasters are using these
[satellite] pictures to reveal denied areas of the Earth:
taking viewers to places where governments or nature
otherwise bar access. In recent days, North Korean and
Iranian nuclear sites have been made public
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Using GIS allows you to take data and present it in a

graphical format that can really grab readers. You can
run a chart that says taxes went up this much in 50 or
500 different towns, but if you color code each town, with
the biggest increases in red and the smallest in green,
everyone¶s looking at the map to see if their town is red
or green. I don¶t know if there¶s a chart if they have the
same reaction to a column of percentages.
‡ Convergence also poses serious challenges to the
independence of journalists in covering military conflict
or even conflict or crime situations on the domestic front.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Just as convergence has exerted dramatic impact on the reporter-

source audience relationship, it is also changing the relationship
between journalists and relationship their audiences.
‡ In days past, reporters would typically write or produce their reports,
and only the most unusual stories would generate more than a letter
or two, or phone call (typically from a source misquoted) from the
‡ audience. With the rise of email, most reporters who have published
their email addresses get deluged with emails from their readers,
viewers or listeners.
‡ The Middleberg-Ross survey shows that many reporters consider
responding to readers via email as part of their job with more than
half doing so at least occasionally.
‡ The Middleberg-Ross survey shows that by 2001 a majority
‡ of journalists were using the internet to develop story ideas
compared with just 30 per cent in 1998.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ In his book, Digitizing the News, MIT Professor Pablo J.

Boczkowski explains:
‡ News in the online environment is what those
contributing to its production make of it. News is moving
from being mostly journalist-centered, communicated as
a monologue, and primarily local, to also being
increasingly audience- centered, part of multiple
conversations and micro-local
‡ With the advent of Google, everyone can broadcast
information and everyone can research information
across the intellectual universe. The problem is, as it¶s
always been, determining the bona fides of the data and
the merits of the information conveyed.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Moreover, reporters must always bear in mind

their main function: to report. They cannot afford
to get side-tracked into tangential conversations
with readers or sources, or worse, start worrying
about the consequences of a story to the extent
that they experience reporting paralysis.
‡ A journalist maintains a fine balance between
telling the public what it needs to know, even
when the truth may cause hurt or pain, and
being responsible and ethical in reporting and
respecting personal privacy.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Blogs also blur the boundary between who is a source, an audience

member or a journalist. In some cases, the creator of a blog may be
all three. Bloggers may see an item reported in a traditional news
outlet, gather their own information, and post a response on their
blog.
‡ Consider the blog of journalist J.D. Lasica. 12 On 26 May 2004, he
wrote about when ¶consumers are creators¶. He quoted from Jan
Schaffer, executive director of J-Lab
‡ Convergence, she said, ... puts the focus not on the consumer, our
audiences, but on the supplier, the news organizations. It becomes
an exercise in Us vs. Them.... I think we are focusing on the wrong
¶C¶ word. Rather than - focus on convergence, we should be
focusing on connections and how new digital tools can help us build
all kinds of innovative, new connections with our audiences. The
potential of new media is not simply more noise but more
meaningful interaction and hopefully more meaningful learning.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Audience expectations are also evolving.

News via the internet is on-demand and
instantaneous. In a broadband
environment, it is media rich and highly
interactive. Audiences are increasingly
accustomed to and demanding news that
is customised to their interests.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Reporters are increasingly supplementing, and

sometimes supplanting, face-to-face news gathering with
internet-based reporting. Web-searching, email and list-
serves are increasing staples in the reporting food chain.
‡ Although most reporters still rely on personal interviews
and observations, they often rely on the internet for
material when on deadline, weekends or doing follow-up
work, including fact checking. Moreover, with economic
short-falls afflicting most news organisations, the need
for increased productivity is a pressure felt acutely in a
growing proportion of news rooms, and this sometimes
translates into journalistic shortcuts.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ #'

   


‡ Eyetracking visualizations show that users often read
Web pages in an F-shaped pattern: two horizontal
stripes followed by a vertical stripe.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ This  
 

 looks somewhat like an F and has

the following three components:
‡ Users first read in a  (
 & 
, usually across the
upper part of the content area. This initial element forms the F's top
bar.
‡ Next, users move down the page a bit and then read across in
a   (
 & 
that typically covers a shorter area
than the previous movement. This additional element forms the F's
lower bar.
‡ Finally, users scan the content's left side in a &
 & 
.
Sometimes this is a fairly slow and systematic scan that appears as
a solid stripe on an eyetracking heatmap. Other times users move
faster, creating a spottier heatmap. This last element forms the F's
stem.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The above heatmaps show how users

read three different types of Web pages:
‡ An article in the "about us" section of a
corporate website (far left),
‡ A product page on an e-commerce site
(center), and
‡ A search engine results page (SERP; far
right).
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

On the SERP (right

example), the
second crossbar of
the F is longer than
the top crossbar,
mainly because the
second headline is
longer than the first.
On the e-commerce page (middle In this case, both
The &   headlines proved


   example), the second crossbar of the
F is lower than usual because of the equally interesting to
! users, though users
  intervening product image. Users also
allocated significant fixation time to a typically read less of
 rather the second area
than a uniform, box in the upper right part of the page
where the price and "add to cart" they view on a page.
pixel-perfect
behavior. button are found.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ ð )
%
*

% in a word-by-

word manner. Exhaustive reading is rare, especially
when prospective customers are conducting their initial
research to compile a shortlist of vendors. Yes, some
people will read more, but most won't.
‡ $ 

 



 



 $ 
 . There's some hope that users
will actually read this material, though they'll probably
read more of the first paragraph than the second.
‡ 

 !!  



$ 
 #%  that users will notice when
scanning down the left side of your content in the final
stem of their F-behavior. They'll read the third word on a
line much less often than the first two words.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Web pages have to employ   
*
, using

‡ highlighted +% (hypertext links serve as one form
of highlighting; typeface variations and color are others)
‡ meaningful  #  (not "clever" ones)
‡ bulleted  

‡    per paragraph (users will skip over any
additional ideas if they are not caught by the first few
words in the paragraph)
‡ the inverted pyramid style, starting with the conclusion
‡ $

(or less) than conventional writing
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Research has yielded several interesting findings.

‡ Among other things, the authors found that
the ã„ 

    %
, 
#
$
 on the Web. Clicking hypertext links remains the
most-used feature, but clicking buttons (on the page) has
now overtaken ãack to become the second-most used
feature. The reason for this change is the increased
prevalence of applications and feature-rich Web pages
that require users to click page buttons to access their
functionality.
‡ Of course, ã„ 

) $  and is so
frequently used that supporting it remains a strong
usability guideline.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ #
%ð-
 

‡ 
%  $$

  
%: They $
 and often spend considerable time trying to understand multi-
syllabic words.
‡ Lower-literacy users focus exclusively on each word and slowly
move their eyes across each line of text. This gives them a 
$ $&  and they therefore miss objects outside the main flow
of the text they're reading.
‡ #
% )
 
*
. As a result, for example,
they can't quickly glance at a list of navigation options to select the
one they want. They must read each word in each option carefully.
‡ Their only other choice is to  
%+ & large amounts of
information, which they often do when things become too
complicated.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ | & ð 
%$#
%

ð
‡ ' 
( $ 
 . Place the main
point at the very top of the page, where
even readers who typically give up after a
few lines will see it.
‡ Avoid scrolling all together
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ & 
*


 & , such

as animations and fly-out menus. Static
text is easier to read. This guideline also
helps international users (who might need
to look up words in a dictionary) and users
with motor skills impairments (who have
difficulty catching things that move).
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ 
  
  . Place

important content in a single main column,
so users don't have to scan the page and
pick out design elements in a two-
dimensional layout. This guideline also
helps low-vision users and users of
handheld devices (such as smartphones),
which narrow the field of view.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡   $% & 
 by placing the main

choices in a linear menu. This helps users
clearly understand the next place to go, without
requiring them to scan the page for options.
‡ 
(. Make your search tolerant of
misspellings (which also helps seniors, who are
particularly prone to making typos). Ideally, a
user's first search hit should answer the query,
and all hits should provide short, easy-to-read
summaries.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ We have derived three main content-oriented

conclusions from our four years' of Web usability
studies [Nielsen 1997a]:
‡ Users do not read on the Web; instead they
scan the pages, trying to pick out a few
sentences or even parts of sentences to get the
information they want
‡ Users do not like long, scrolling pages: they
prefer the text to be short and to the point
‡ Users detest anything that seems like marketing
fluff or overly hyped language ("marketese") and
prefer factual information.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ ð



‡ 
 ð 

‡  &
 
  $




‡ Scanning is the norm, that text should be short
(or at least broken up), that users like
summaries and the inverted pyramid writing
style, that hypertext structure can be helpful, that
graphical elements are liked if they complement
the text, and that users suggest there is a role
for playfulness and humor in work-related
websites.
 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡   | $ 
'$

‡  
%  | 

| 

‡ 
  + |  
%
‡ .  ð


‡ ð



 | $ 
 / +%
‡ *
   
‡ *
   
‡ ð +   
| &
'% 

% (in which news and conclusions are presented
first, followed by details and background information)
‡ .%
*
 # +
‡
  *
  
  

 |
 
 | 
  



|   
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡  %-
Active voice is best for most Web content,
but using passive voice can let you front-
load important keywords in headings,
blurbs, and lead sentences. This
enhances scannability and thus SEO
effectiveness.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

NEWS AGENGIES
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Corporate form of news has had a

significant impact on the means and
methods of news collection and
distribution, both domestically and
internationally.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The relationship between news agencies

and newspapers is a microcosm of the
competitive forces in news industries
‡ These forces are most effectively
observed in the context of corporate form
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ News agencies have to be studied by

looking at
‡ 1) the importance of internal competitive
forces in determining news agency
corporate form; and
‡ 2) the inuence of corporate form in news
collection.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The competitive forces that have shaped

the media are little different from other
industries, namely: the threat of new
entrants; bargaining power of customers
and suppliers; threat of substitute
products; and jockeying among current
contestants.
‡ It is however difficult to determine what
exactly the newspapers compete for.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ A number of factors determine the boundaries of

newspaper markets, among which the most
important may be area of coverage
‡ Geographically speaking, several types of
newspaper exist, among which the three most
prevalent are local, regional and national. The
degree to which these newspapers interact and
compete has in part to do with the
interconnectedness of the economy and the
corresponding flow of information
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Relationship among these several classes

of newspaper may be said to depict a
series of concentric circles
‡ The local newspapers nested inside the
territory of the regional newspapers, which
are in turn circumscribed by the territory of
the national newspapers
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Jockeying among contestants occurs between

like publications and between newspapers of
different classes.
‡ The geographic factors that shape the field of
competition include: proximity to the point of
news collection and the location and circulation
of competing newspapers. Local newspapers
actively compete against each other, and they
may share their collective territory with a
regional or national publication.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ In the dissemination of information across

countries that span more than one time
zone, and across national boundaries,
publication time, and the time at which
news was dispatched, influence access.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Starting during the second half of the nineteenth

century, publication of multiple daily editions,
which enabled greater throughput and increased
advertising revenue, and the emergence of a
strong evening newspaper field, created another
competitive catalyst.
‡ Morning newspapers, for example, sought to
withhold from evening newspapers, and retain
for their own publication, information pertaining
to news events occurring during the day.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Not all news is born equal. There are two broad

categories of news:
‡ Spontaneous and manufactured.
‡ Spontaneous or spot news contains not only such things
as natural disasters or political debates, but the variety of
news put out by various bodies. This news comes to
news outlets either direct
‡ for example through publicity agents or stock exchanges
‡ or indirect, as through news agencies

‡ Manufactured news is created, or dug up by the paper

itself. For example, an exclusive interview or
investigative report. Sometimes a spontaneous story will
have a manufactured follow-up
‡ e.g., an interview with a widow after a terrorist bombing.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ It is in the arena of manufactured news,

more so than spontaneous news, that
newspapers achieve advantage, because
this sort of reporting offers a greater
opportunity for individual enterprise, and,
by extension, the development of
reputation and goodwill.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ It is advantageous, therefore, to cooperate or

rely on a third-party, and thereby spread costs
and alleviate the threat of competition, in the
collection of spontaneous news.
‡ This may be achieved, albeit with different
results, either through the market or through
vertical integration.
‡ Reuters, being a proprietary agency established
to sell information, is an example of the former;
Associated Press (AP), being formed and owned
by several American newspapers, is an example
of the latter.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The principal difference between the two

models being that proprietary agencies,
like Reuters, exist foremost to make profit,
while mutual agencies, being organised
along not-for-profit lines, such as AP, exist
foremost to gather news.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ AP, being a product of vertical integration, gained by

having its clientele invested in its continued success, but
the association was subject to principal-agent problems
because the newspapers which owned and managed it
tended to act in their own interest, often to the detriment
of lesser newspapers within the association and certainly
to those publications barred from membership.
‡ Reuters, being a joint-stock company run by
independent managers, had greater mobility in serving
clients and increased adaptability in developing new
services, but being subject to a substantial profit motive
it encountered difficulties meeting the varied
expectations of its newspaper clientele.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Despite these fundamental differences in

organisation, between the late 1850s and 1930s,
AP and Reuters, along with the national
agencies of France and Germany, were the key
members of an international cartel of news
agencies.
‡ These organisations, like the newspapers they
served, discovered that it was disadvantageous
to compete directly for spot news, and their
cartel ensured adequate coverage, while raising
barriers to entry.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ In addition, cartel agreements specified

markets in which each agency could sell
its news. Although the flow of news abroad
and the establishment of bureaux in
foreign countries was highly subject to
economic, political and social
considerations, such as international
trade, imperial interests and cultural
affinity, news exchange among countries
was also influenced by corporate form.
 |
 
 | 
  

|

 
||
Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ ASSOCIATED PRESS
 |
 
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Cooperation in the collection of spontaneous

news limits competition, and lowers costs
associated with news collection
‡ It was also becomes an instrument of control.
‡ In the 1840s, competition among the
newspapers of New York City for European
news caused these papers to cooperate.
‡ Cooperation reduced costs associated with spot
news collection and permitted investment in
special correspondence, which was certainly a
more profitable employment of funds.
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Geographic proximity to the point of reception

enabled the New York papers to exert control
over European news and to sell this news at
profit to other associations that emerged
throughout the country as the telegraph network
expanded.
‡ These associations also existed to limit
competition among the several large news-
papers of a particular region and to manage the
distribution of information to peripheral
publications.
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The New York association retained a dominant position

until the 1890s,
‡ The advent of a trans-Atlantic cable in 1866 diffused
access to news information from Europe and loosened
the grip of the New York association over other
agencies.
‡ With direct access to Europe, the Western Association,
which included papers in the growing cities of the mid-
west, found it could cut out the middleman and obtain its
news independently of New York.
‡ Technology played a big role in the dissemination of
news.
‡ in 1882, owing to the consolidation of 
 ð  ,
the 
  
 and 0+ 
 
joined forces to prevent the telegraph company from
entering the news business
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ in 1893, when the contract of 1882 with

Western Union expired and there was an
opportunity for revision of terms, the
western association broke away to form
what became Associated Press (AP).
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The competition induced cities and regions to

exchange information and create information
networks.
‡ This competitive matrix produced a network
effect that enabled specific forms of corporate
organisation.
‡ In exchange for exclusive access to a
publication's spot news, the association granted
franchise rights that barred prospective
competitors from receiving its news report.
‡ These regional associations paid dividends to a
select group of stockholding members
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Such practice created dissatisfaction among

papers outside the inner circle who felt they
were subsidising the newsgathering efforts of a
select group.
‡ The mid-western papers developed a not-for-
profit model to achieve these ends.
‡ After the associations split and the AP was
formed, it assured the smaller papers throughout
the country by promising them a say in the
management of the news agency.
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Actually, the smaller newspapers just

became something like small shareholders
of a corporation.
‡ What AP did, was to charge these
µshareholders¶ cost wise instead of
remuneration wise.
‡ This system of pricing kept newspapers
tied to AP and ensured its continued
success.
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ To entice larger newspapers to membership AP issued

stock for placement with a select group of first-class
publications. These shares, being part of a not-for-profit
company, did not pay dividends, but ensured to
stockholders a proportionate number of votes in the
appointment of a board.
‡ In this way control of the association was geographically
dispersed, but retained by a particular class of
newspaper.
‡ In fact, AP, with this innovative business strategy drove
the other organisations based in New York to
bankruptcy.
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ But there were problems..

‡ Conflicts of principals and agents.
‡ The tension between market share and market
value was the chief source of these problems, as
it is in many information industries.
‡ The largest American newspapers, being virtual
owners of the organisation, and having a
considerable say in its management, preferred
to exclude new members, which, although
beneficial to them in the short-term, was
disadvantageous to the long-term success of the
agency.
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|

 
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ In addition, and as the history leading up to the

foundation of AP suggests, controlling members
employed the agency for their advantage and
disregarded the needs of other sectors of the
press.
‡ Gradually these conflicts led to reforms, either
from within or legally imposed.
‡ AP was forced to liquidate and reincorporate in
New York because of its monopolistic and
restrictive attitude.
‡ There were several anti-trust litigations.
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|

 
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ In addition, AP's corporate model inhibited

diversification of its news product and
hindered the adaptation of new
technology.
‡ The services of AP remained bland, and
traditional in comparison with the new
upcoming agencies.
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|

 
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ Although AP successfully developed new

technology for a news-photo service, its
implementation engendered animosity between
large and small newspapers. Papers with large
circulation could afford to pay for the service.
‡ Smaller papers, although they could not pay,
were required to provide pictures for the service.
‡ Subsequently they discovered that the same
photos supplied to the association were being
used in competition against them by larger
members.
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|

 
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Mangesh Karandikar,
Mangesh Karandikar, DCJ,
DCJ, University
University of
of Mumbai
Mumbai

‡ The development of broadcasting in the United

States created similar problems. Large
newspapers established radio stations to
compete with broadcasting companies in the
transmission of news, and pushed for the AP
report to be permitted on air.
‡ The majority of newspapers, which could not
afford to start radio stations, protested against
this trend, and prevented AP from serving
broadcast companies, while competing agencies
gained control of the market.