Atatürk’s Principles and History of Turkish

Revolution II
(Course III)
Lecturer: Dr. Merve Doğan Kader
Biruni University

Course III: Atatürk’s Principles

What did Mustafa Kemal envisage for the Turkish nation ? His basic ideas and policies, developed in
hundreds of speeches, programs, and laws from the early days of the War for Independence to his
death in 1938, have come to be known as Kemalism. Developed originally out of the struggles and
debates among the Easternists and Westernists during the early days of the Grand National Assembly
and partly included in the new Constitution enacted in 1924 to replace that promulgated during the
war, they later were made part of the political programs of the Republican People's Party
(Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi), which he created as his principal instrument to secure them. In February
1937 they were brought together in six ideologies written into article 2 of the Constitution:
Republicanism, Nationalism, Populism, Revolutionism, Secularism, and Statism. These became the
bases for most of the programs developed by Kemal and his successors from 1923 to the present day.
The first four principles reflected the ideological basis of the new political structuring, and the last
two expressed the policies that were to provide a philosophical framework for reforms.
Atatürk's principles are the basis of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk's revolutions. These principles are
determining contemporary thoughts and ideas of Turkey. There are six basic principles of Mustafa
Kemal Atatürk. Atatürk's principles first emerged as the principles of the Republican People's Party,
and later, with the law in 1937, were legally attributed to the Turkish nation. The general meaning of
the principle, the idea of modern Turkey, the nation's sovereignty, the Republic of Turkey is an
independent state.
Atatürk’s Principles are
(1) Republicanism;
(2) Nationalism;
(3) Populism;
(4) Statism;
(5) Secularism;
(6) Revolutionizm.
Republicanism (Cumhuriyetçilik)
Republicanism means government through the will of the people, parliamentary elections, rotation of
office, and popular sovereignty. The beginning of the Republic in Turkey is usually dated at April 23,
1920, with the opening of the Grand National Assembly in Ankara. Although it would be decades
before the full realization of a Western-style parliamentary republic would be achieved (multiparty
democracy, constitutional supremacy; individual rights to complete freedom of conscience, speech,
press, religious liberty and due process of law), Mustafa Kemal began the arduous task of
transforming the old Ottoman Empire into a modern, liberal Western society with the permissions of
the national assembly.
Republicanism involved not only replacement of the sultanate by the Republic but
also elimination of the whole Ottoman social system through which a small Ruling Class governed
and the mass of subjects existed to support it.
Now the sultanate, the caliphate, and the Ruling Class gave way to a republic, manifesting and
organizing the sovereignty of the people and their right to rule themselves for their own benefit. The
new slogan was "Sovereignty Belongs to the Nation" (Hakimiyet Milletindir). The Republic was to
be by and for the people. The people learned that their interests were identical with those of the
Republic and that its continued existence and prosperity were
essential for theirs.
Nationalism
Nationalism means an independent, powerful country free from foreign domination. Unlike the
multicultural Ottoman Empire, the Turkish nation is distinct in culture, but it pledged to tolerate
diversity in culture and religion and respect individual freedom and conscience.
Nationalism defines the “Turkish People” as “those who protect and promote the moral, spiritual,
cultural and humanistic values of the Turkish Nation.”
“Turkish Nation” meant People who live under the borders of the Republic of Turkey, always love
and seek to exalt their country and family, who know and exercises their duties and responsibilities
towards the democratic, secular and social state for common benefits and interests of the residents of
the country.
Mustafa Kemal Atatürk defines the Turkish Nation by saying “the folk which constitutes the
Republic of Turkey is called the Turkish Nation.”
Nationalism is closely coupled with Secularism (Laicite) which provides individuals with freedom of
consciousness which establishes setting up an environment in which common goals can be
developed and reached without being manipulated or restricted by any particular belief system.
 Nationalism, and particularly Turkish nationalism (Türkçülük), was the essential
rallying cry for the War for Independence and the Republic. The territorial losses
and the refusal of the minorities to renounce their national aspirations in favor of
a multinational Ottoman state turned Ottomanism to Turkish nationalism. The flight
of the minorities during the wars left the Turkish Muslims with 97.3 percent of the
total population in 1927, thus making the Republic ethnically and culturally
homogeneous and leaving it in a position to fulfill the aims and goals of Turkish
nationalism.
A very important element of Turkish nationalism was the increased Turkification of
the language under the leadership of the Turkish Language Society (Türk Dil
Kurumu) founded in 1926. Arabic and Persian were eliminated from the school
curriculums. Words of foreign origin were replaced by those of purely Turkish
origin, as used by the people, found in old texts, or simply invented according to the
rules of Turkish morphology. The Latin script was introduced in place of the
Arabic script as the vehicle of the new Turkish. Linguistic nationalism was followed
to make it easier for people to learn to read.
The modern 19th century European nationalism which bestowed upon the peoples of the continent
their independent nationhood was, according to Atatürk, the only type of nationalism which should
be adopted as an ideal by all the Afro-Asian peoples :
«If a nation does not become concerned about its existence and its rights with its entire strength, with
all its spiritual and material powers, if a nation does not rely on its own strength to secure its
existence and independence, then it cannot be rescued from becoming this person's or that person's
puppet. Our national life, our history, and our system of administration in the last epoch are a perfect
demonstration of this. Therefore, within our organization the principle has been adopted that the
national forces are supreme and that the national will is paramount. Today, the nations of the whole
world recognize only one soverignty: national sovereignty.»
Born in the relatively liberal atmosphere of Salonika
in 1881 and in his youth deeply influenced by the positivist
philosophers of the 19th century, Atatürk clearly realized that the ultimate success of any struggle
carried out in places outside the confines of the European continent and directed against the
supremacy of the European Powers must rest on nationalist aims.
He also realized that nationalism, which would ultimately secure for the peoples of
Asia and Africa their independent existence, must be inspired by the successful experiences of the
European countries in the 19th century. Thus, he did not build his nationalism on religion or on strict
application of race.
Atatürk's nationalism was based, like that of Europe, on
common citizenship within national borders and on national consensus. This was the general
framework within which he exercised nationalism. But his understanding of Turkish
nationalism in particular was also based on several other
factors which combined together, gives us clues for explaining his success and the significance of his
movement.
According to Atatürk, the nationalist struggle for independence had to be based on the support of the
entire Turkish nation. This distinguished his struggle from others against European dominance in the
second half of the 19th century such as the Boxer insurgency in China and Arabi Pasha's nationalist
rebellion in Egypt, both of which were supported only by a small minority of the population and
which were ultimately defeated. His struggle may also be distinguished from those anti-European
resistance movements of the 20th century which were carried out by the military alone without the
active participation of the people as a whole and which, although appearing successful at the
beginning, eventually resulted in their nations becoming, in the words of Atatürk, "the puppets of
other nations." All through his struggle, Atatürk meticulously tried to draw a clear dividing line
between the military and the civilian population and considered the former as the servant of the will
which emanates from the unity of the entire nation. Speaking before the convention of the first
congress in Erzurum in 1919, he stated :
«National will controls the destiny of the state and the nation. The armed forces are in the service of
this national will. The military should not participate in Congress. Furthermore, they should not be
in contact with Congress because in such a case it would be thought that Congress does not
represent the national will.»
Atatürk also believed that the struggle for independent existence should be carried out openly and
thus with the active participation of the great majority of the people :

«Our only aim is to establish a totally independent Turkish state based on national sovereignty ...
We, without delay, have to precipitate and organize our national struggle on the active support of the
great majority of the nation. The nation must struggle, fight, and be victorious by total spiritual and
material mobilization. Such a gigantic mission cannot be carried out clandestinely. National mission
can only be fulfilled with the nation. In order to accomplish this, it is necessary to rise, com e
forward, and work as citizens ... Demonstrations can never realize great objectives. A struggle which
depends on joint strength emanating from the bosom of the nation is the only salvation.»
As to the active participation of the people, he stated :
«I had to make the entire Turkish population, as much as the army at the front, willingly interested in
this war as if it were its daily work. All individuals, not only those confronting the enemy but also
those in their villages, homes, and fields, had to consider themselves responsible for the war.»

With such a basic understanding, Atatürk never worked in secret organizations away from the
people, nor was he content to have unorganized attacks on the occupying forces by regional irregular
units. Instead. he organized the war of national liberation by convening national congresses in which
delegates from all over Anatolia participated. His purpose in doing so was to make the struggle
known throughout the entire world as well as in the country and to organize it with the support of the
nation. Atatürk was confident from the start that with regular national units fighting the enemy and
with the whole nation united behind these forces and actively participating in the war, Turkish
national and independent existence would ultimately be accepted and respected by the Entente
Powers :
"There is no doubt that so long as the national organizations endure and have strength in the
nation's united heart, so long will our national existence be recognized and respected by
the civilized world., Unless a nation effectively proves its existence, it will be in no position to expect
respect from other nations. Only those nations having this quality can aim the requirements of
humanity, justice and friendship."
Populism
Populism means democratic control by the people of internal politics through the rule of law. Self-
government, popularly elected leaders, and regular elections constitute “populism” in the Turkish
sense. This revolution aims to ensure the best interest of the general public without limiting
opportunities, individual rights, freedom, development and progress.  It is closely linked with the
Statism which aims to support individuals, groups and society in attempting their goals. The Statism
and Populism are in equilibrium while each complements the other.
Closely connected with Turkish nationalism was the doctrine of Populism, a corollary to
Republicanism, that government was of the people, not the Ruling Class. This idea had various
manifestations. One was that all citizens of the Republic were equal regardless of class, rank,
religion, or occupation. So it was that the 1924 Constitution specified that "The People of Turkey,
regardless of religion and race, are Turks as regards citizenship" (article 88). "All Turks are equal
before the law and are expected to conscientiously abide by it. Every kind of group, class, family,
and individual special privilege is abolished and prohibited" (article 69). Every Turk, regardless of
origin, was given the same right to practice "the philosophical creed, religion, or doctrine to which
he may adhere" (article 75). Citizens therefore could no longer be given different rights and positions
according to their millets. The millets continued to provide religious and social leadership for their
coreligionists and separate schools, hospitals, and other social institutions for those wishing to use
them, with the government insisting only that all millet children
receive their elementary education in the state schools or according to curriculums established by the
Ministry of Education, in order to provide the common bonds needed for them to participate fully in
Turkish life (March 23, 1931 ).
 A further step toward equality came in 1928 when the articles of the 1924 Constitution specifying
Islam as the state religion, and requiring the National Assembly to enforce the Şeriat, were replaced
by articles separating religion and state and declaring the Turkish Republic a secular state. Since then
members of the non-Muslim religions have had full legal equality in the Turkish Republic.

The second basic premise of Populism involved government by and for the people. Institutions had
to be developed to enable the Republic's citizens to share in the process of rule. This was formally
accomplished through the Grand National
Assembly. Since its foundation, the Assembly had been given both legislative and executive powers,
the latter carried out through the president of the Republic, elected by it, and the former through the
Council of Ministers, chosen by and responsible to the president. Judicial functions were carried out
in the name of the Assembly, in accordance with the law, by courts that were independent of it.
At first the vote was given only to every male Turk aged 18 or over, but in 1934 women also were
given the right to vote and serve as deputies. Representatives were elected for four-year terms by the
people, but through an indirect voting system until 1946, when direct elections were substituted.
The powers of the Assembly were enforced by the constitutional provisions regarding the budget.
The government had to present it annually to the Assembly for
its approval at the opening of each session, and it also had to present a statement of fiscal accounting
to the Assembly no later than the beginning of the second year following the fiscal year. Budgets
were approved only for one year; the government
could not spend money beyond the budgetary provisions without additional Assembly approval; and
the latter also could establish its own Accounting Office "to control the revenues and expenditures of
State on behalf of the Grand National
Assembly" (articles 95-101).
The Constitution provided that "judges are independent in the conduct of trials and in the rendering
of their judgments. They shall be protected from any sort of intervention and are subject only to the
law. Neither the Grand National Assembly
of Turkey nor the Cabinet may modify, alter, delay or influence the execution of their judgments"
(article 54). Every person could use all legal means needed to defend his rights before the courts.
And a High Court of 21 members,
of whom 11 were chosen from among members of the Court of Appeals (Temyiz Mahkemesi) and
10 from the Council of State, was established to try members of the cabinet, the Council of State,
and the Court of Appeals "in all questions pertaining to the performance of their duties" (article 61).
The old districts and communes were retained, but the old large vilayets established by the Tanzimat
were now broken into 62 new provinces.
Their governors were given much more autonomy than their nineteenth-century Ottoman
predecessors, but this meant little in practice, since the Constitution also established
general inspectorship (müfettislik) districts, each including from 10 to 14 provinces, which dealt
with all military and health matters as well as most questions of education and finance. In addition,
each province had military, financial, and educational officials appointed by and responsible to the
Ankara ministries, leaving the governors to do no more than coordinate their activities and represent
the prime minister's office in the process of administration.
There was no prohibition of a multitude of parties in the Constitution.
 But Kemalism came to apply that the people's interests could best be served by focusing its energies
into the party that Mustafa Kemal had evolved out of the Committee to Defend
the Rights of Anatolia and Rumeli, called first simply the People's Party (Halk Fırkası) and after the
establishment of the Republic, the Republican People's Party (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi) (hereafter
abbreviated as the RPP).
Statism/ Etatism (Devletçilik)
Statism refers to the mixture of private property/free enterprise economics with government control
of major industries and regulation of the overall economy for the good of the whole country. Today,
this “mixed economy” of capitalism and socialism dominates in modern Western societies.
Secularism (Laiklik)
Secularism means the formal, legal separation of religion from politics, the end of the domination of
the state by Islamic officials, and the individual freedom of conscience to believe, worship, and
communicate religious truths as the individual understands them. Such liberty of religion implies the
freedom to learn of all faiths, to seek God’s guidance in knowing His Truth, and sharing it with
others without fear of persecution or injury. The premise of this is that such individual searching
after God’s Truth and voluntary faith in God is pleasing to God, while forced adherence to a certain
religion is not really pleasing to God.
So, the “secularization” means not against religious truth; but meant separating it from scientific and
purely political matters. A religious moral people are necessary to an ethical, healthy republic, but
faith is best inculcated at home and mosque rather than school.
Within the secularısm scope; Abolition of the caliphate was followed by a series of
reforms to end the union of state and religion that had characterized the Ottoman
Empire, thus in turn ending the ability of the religious class to limit and control
the state. The position and office of Şeyhulislam and the Ministry of Religious
Foundations were abolished and replaced by small departments for Religious
Affairs (Diyanet İşleri Müdürlügü) and Religious Foundations (Evkaf Müdürlügü ),
placed directly under the prime minister's office. The foundation properties were
retained and administered separately.
The entire system of religious schools also was eliminated, with the mekteps and
medreses being incorporated into a unified system under the direction of the
Ministry of Education.
 On April 8, 1924, a National Law Court Organization Regulation (Mahkeme Teskilat Kanunu)
abolished the Şeriat courts, retired their judges, and transferred their jurisdiction to the secular
courts. Soon after, the Mecelle and the Şeriat were replaced by new secular codes of civil law (Türk
Medeni
Kanunu, October 4, 1926), criminal law (Türk Ceza Kanunu, July 1, 1926), and commercial law
(Turk Ticaret Kanunu), based respectively on the corresponding Swiss, Italian, and German codes.
On November 30, 1925, the Assembly closed
the dervish lodges (tekke) and cells (zaviye) as well as all religious tombs (türbe), abolished
religious titles and their use, and prohibited the wearing of clerical garb in public except under
special circumstances such as funerals.
 Polygamy was abolished and divorce by court action introduced, with women being given extensive
grounds to divorce their husbands. The wearing of turbans and fezzes in public was prohibited, and
the hat was made the official
headgear, thus ending the traditional indications of distinctions in rank, class, and religion
(November 25, 1925).
The use of the veil was discouraged, particularly
in the cities, but it never actually was made illegal. Civil marriages were made compulsory for all,
though those wishing to do so still could have religious marriages as well (September 1, 1926).
Women were allowed to vote and be elected, first in the municipalities (April 3, 1930, then the
village councils of elders (October 26, 1933), and finally in national elections for the Grand National
Assembly (December 1934).
Women were admitted to the public schools, the civil service, and the professions on an increasingly
equal basis with men.
 In 1925 the international time and calendar systems replaced the traditional Islamic ones, which
already had been reduced to limited usage by the end of the nineteenth century (December 26, 1925).
Six years later the metric system definitively replaced the old measures of weight and capacity
(March 26, 1931).

An indirect but most effective step toward breaking old religious traditions came in the area of
language and its use. On November 1, 1928, the Grand National Assembly required all Turks to
learn and use Latin letters in place of the traditional
Arabic ones by the beginning of the new year, either by passing an examination or by attending a
system of special national schools (millet mektepleri) established to teach their use.
An important element of secularism was the development of a modern system of
education throughout the Republic. Here direction was left to the Ministry of Education, helped by
an Education Council (Maarif Şurasi), which included ministry
officials and representatives of the various levels of education, both teachers and administrators, who
met periodically to develop policy on matters of curriculum and
school regulations. At first the nation was divided into 12 education districts, each controlled by a
superintendent of education (maarif emini) appointed by and responsible to the ministry rather than
the provincial officials. But subsequently control over education was decentralized, with the districts
abolished and each province given its own Education Director (maarif müdürü), appointed by the
governor and
responsible not only for carrying out the ministry's directives but also for modifying them to meet
local problems and needs.
 Elementary education was made compulsory and free for all children, to assure a
common training. The basic structure of elementary, intermediate, and lycee education inherited
from the nineteenth century was retained, and changes in curriculum
and length of terms of study were introduced to strengthen the lower levels and make them more
than just preparatory stages for secondary education. As time went on, foreign experts, including
John Dewey, were brought to Turkey to recommend further changes. Large-scale programs training
new teachers and building new schools soon made the ideal of compulsory elementary education a
reality all over the nation.
As the result of the government efforts, however, the number of schools in the country doubled
between 1923 and 1940, from 5,062 to 11,040; the number of teachers increased by 133 percent,
from 12,458 to 28,298; and the number of students increased by slightly less than 300 percent, from
352,668 to 1,050,159. Literacy improved slowly but steadily. In 1927 only 10.6 percent of the
population (17.4 percent of the men and 4.7 percent of the women) could read. By 1940 this had
improved to only 22.4 percent (33.9 percent of the men and 11.2 percent of the women), with
Istanbul much above the national average, though still no more than
half the population there could read.
At the higher levels also the educational plant begun by the Tanzimat was retained but modernized,
often with the help of foreign experts and teachers. The
Ottoman University (Darül-Fünun) was reorganized as the University of
In January 1936 the Faculty of Language and History-Geography (Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi)
was opened as the nucleus of the new University of Ankara. The old Civil Service School (Mekteb-i
Mülkiye) of Istanbul, only recently reorganized into the School of Political Sciences (Siyasal Bilgiler
Okulu), was moved to Ankara. The numbers of vocational, technical, and teacher-training schools
were increased, technical academies enlarged, and the War Academy (Harbiye) transferred to
Ankara. Between 1923 and 1940 the number of higher faculties and technical schools increased from
9 to 20, teachers from 328 to 1,013, and students from 2,914 to 12,147, a sizable improvement.
Revolutionism means a continuous progressive change in any subject that are interests of Turkish
society to conform with modern civilization, better human conditions  and progress.
In this respect and understanding of revolution, Mustafa Kemal’ s revolutions   included but not
limited to the following.
establishing  Citizenship  consciousness
transiting individuals from the slave of Sultan to independent individuals
establishing freedom of consciousness and beliefs
establishing freedom of speech and views
granting equal legal rights to women;
adopting a better working  justice code;
public education; using the Latin (rather than Arabic) alphabet;
abolition of titles;
adoption of Western time standards, calendar, and measures;
abolition of rural tithes and traditional religious dress codes
Together, these revolutions radically transformed society in Turkey from an impoverished, isolated
society to a relatively prosperous, democratic culture integrated into the modem, civilized,
competitive, and free society which did not exist for the society before.
Bibliography
1) Stanford Shaw, Ezel Kural Shaw, History Of The Ottoman Empire And
Modern Turkey
Volume II
2) Oral Sander, Nationalism And Peace, The Significance of Atatürk's
Movement.
3) Utkan Kocatürk, Atatürk’s Revolutions and Modernization.