The document discusses the concept of economic rationality which assumes that people prefer more to less and maximize net benefits. It describes the assumptions of substitutability, marginality, and fixed tastes and preferences. The document also discusses how economists use incentive analysis and the concepts of demand, supply, elasticity, costs and benefits, consumers' and producers' surplus to analyze how individuals and groups respond predictably to changes in costs and benefits. Optimal outcomes are achieved when marginal costs equal marginal benefits.
The document discusses the concept of economic rationality which assumes that people prefer more to less and maximize net benefits. It describes the assumptions of substitutability, marginality, and fixed tastes and preferences. The document also discusses how economists use incentive analysis and the concepts of demand, supply, elasticity, costs and benefits, consumers' and producers' surplus to analyze how individuals and groups respond predictably to changes in costs and benefits. Optimal outcomes are achieved when marginal costs equal marginal benefits.
The document discusses the concept of economic rationality which assumes that people prefer more to less and maximize net benefits. It describes the assumptions of substitutability, marginality, and fixed tastes and preferences. The document also discusses how economists use incentive analysis and the concepts of demand, supply, elasticity, costs and benefits, consumers' and producers' surplus to analyze how individuals and groups respond predictably to changes in costs and benefits. Optimal outcomes are achieved when marginal costs equal marginal benefits.
The concept of economic rationality has a specific
but simple meaning in economics.
It means that people prefer more to less and
maximise net benefits, whether utility, wealth, or
profits, as perceived by them. This theory of rational choice is based on several
assumptions - substitutability, marginality and fixed
tastes and preferences. Substitutability: Goods are assumed substitutable one for the other (or
for money) at the margin. That is, there is a rate of
exchange (price) between any pair of goods that will make an individual indifferent between them. This notion of a trade-off is central to economic reasoning. Marginality or equi-marginal principle: Maximising implies equal- ising marginal values and diminishing marginal returns - i.e. the equi- marginal principle. In any activity, to obtain the maximum utility or profit marginal values have to be equated. The maximisation principle thus not only requires that benefits exceed costs for each activity but that the level of each activity be at a point where the marginal costs of expanding the activity are equal to the marginal benefits. Fixed tastes and preferences: The tastes' and preferences of individuals are assumed to be given and stable. This assumption is related to, and implied by, rational behaviour. If tastes change over time or with past choices, preferences may not be consistent. Economists believe that groups react in a predictable way to changes in the costs and benefits of the options they face. This incentive analysis is a direct implication of the rationality assumption. As a result prices and laws are primarily viewed as creating incentives which alter behaviour and outcomes. Incentive analysis is formalised by the economists‘ as 'laws' of demand and supply. These are 'laws' in the sense that they describe observed regularities in behaviour and outcomes. The 'law' of demand states that when the price of a good or service, increases, all other things equal, less is purchased. • The economic approach applies incentive analysis to all economic and non-economic activities. • incentive analysis has wide application - in drug dealing, prostitution, crime, adoption, sale of body parts, marriage, divorce, illegal immigrants, armies and so on. • Economics simply formalises the demand and supply conditions operating in these activities and, most importantly, works through the implications of how changes in economic and non-economic factors affect the willingness of people to demand and supply the activity under consideration. The economists' incentive analysis can be illustrated by the law restricting the speed limit. Most people, even those who would regard themselves as law abiding, break the speed limit from time to time. If there is 110 penalty, people will speed if the benefits they derive at the time exceed the likely costs in terms of the potential likelihood of an accident and its consequences to others and themselves. If a penalty is imposed, the costs of breaking the speed limit rises and, all things equal we expect that fewer people will speed. Drivers will take into account not only the inherent risks, benefits and costs, but also the potential penalties - the fine, the loss of their Licence and the impact of a conviction on their insurance payments. As the penalties get greater, most people, even non-economists, would agree that less and less speeding will occur. More people will speed if the penalty is £10 than if it is £20,000! This is informal economic modelling. In looking at the world in this way one is conscious of the fact that the 'price up/quantity demanded down' prediction may not apply to all, or even a large number, of people. If the penalty for speeding (or the price of bread) goes up 5 per cent or 10 per cent many people will simply take it in their stride and not modify their behaviour. If the courts mete out more severe punishment some, maybe many, criminals will simply go on as before. Does this undermine the economises' incentive analysis? Incentive analysis does not assume that every individual reacts to a curb on his or her actions. Some will react by reducing their participation or cease altogether; others will not. But all that is required for, say, fines, to deter is that a subset of those who previously speed now decide not to, or to do so less frequently. To put it more graphically, criminals at the margin will be deterred by higher penalties; not the psychopath or deranged serial killer." It is the reaction of some that generates the response predicted by the economists' rationality model: clearly, the greater the number sensitive to increases in fines or cost the greater the reaction. It is often useful to know not only whether an increase in penalties or costs deters or reduces a particular activity, but by how much. A quantitative measure of the incentive effects of a change in price, cost or legal sanction is known as its elasticity. This measures the proportionate response to 1per cent increase/decrease in the price/cost/sanction. An elasticity of minus 1(-1)would mean that a 1 per cent increase in, say, the penalty imposed on criminals leads to a fall (hence the minus) of 1 per cent in the number of crimes. A higher elasticity indicates greater responsiveness. Economics used the measuring rod of money to evaluate economic and legal outcomes. It thus places heavy reliance on assessing the costs and benefits of the law, considerations that will always be relevant when resources are limited. • Economic value or benefits are measured by the 'willingness-to-pay' (WTP) of those individuals who are affected. • That is, the economist's notion of benefit is similar to the utilitarian notion of happiness but it is happiness backed by WTP. Mere desire or 'need' is not relevant. WTP provides a quantitative indication of the intensity of individual preferences. The consumers' surplus -which is the difference between the maximum willingness to pay of all consumers' above the price. The producers' surplus is the difference between the costs of production including a reasonable profit and the price. It is shown by the unshaded triangle below the cousumners' surplus. By framing the question in this way the economist is able to adopt a consistent valuation procedure - one which takes into account the preferences of those whose lives are at risk and the society's ability to devote resources to reduce risks - i.e. buy more safety. This simple calculation provides guidance on the vexing question of‘ How safe is safe?' or, in a legal context, 'What is reasonable care?' Optimal care is achieved when an additional pound, euro, or dollar spent on reducing risks saves a pound, euro or dollar in expected accident losses. 'Optimal' defined in this way means that many accidents are 'justified' - because they would be too costly to avoid. The corollary to this is that just as there can be too little care, there can be excessive care. The distinction between a real cost and a wealth transfer can be illustrated by the impact of a Government (ad valorem) sales tax on a good. This tax generates revenues for the Government; each time a unit of the good is bought, wealth is transferred from consumers to the government. This transfer is not a cost since the consumers' loss is the Government's (taxpayers') gain. These losses and gains net out, provided that the government does not waste the money on activities which generate negative consumers' surplus. However, the increase in the tax-inclusive price causes consumers to buy less of the now more expensive good. This has two effects: society saves the resources that would have otherwise been used to produce the lost output (a gain), but loses the consumers' (and producers') surplus above these (marginal) costs of production. It is this lost economic surplus - which economists refer to as the 'deadweight loss' - that is the real economic cost of the tax: it is the inefficiency generated by the way the tax distorts consumption decisions. By casting the problem in this way it should be immediately obvious that this 'cost' is not registered in the marketplace as such. The real cost of a tax, law, or any other policy that distorts prices in an economy is given by the value of the output not produced and consumed. Thus the valuation of economic costs and benefits must often proceed on the basis counterfactual or 'but for' analysis - 'but for' the specific law in question what would have been the costs and benefits?